258 See Note 70.

259 The Ten-Hours’ Bill, the struggle for which was carried on a number of years, was passed in 1847 (see Note 76) in the atmosphere of acute contradictions between the landed aristocracy and the industrial bourgeoisie caused by the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 (see notes 28 and 47). To avenge themselves on the industrial bourgeoisie some of the Tories supported this Bill. A detailed description of the stand taken by various classes on the problem of limiting the working day was given by Engels in his articles “The Ten Hours Question” and “The English Ten-Hours’ Bill” (present edition, Vol. 10).

260 In the Preface to the 1872 German edition of the Communist Manifesto the authors particularly pointed out that “no special stress is laid” on the transitional revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section If, and that the concrete character and practical application of such measures would always depend on the historical conditions of the time.

261 See Note 61.

262 An allusion to Immanuel Kant’s Kritik der praktischen Vernunft (Critique of Practical Reason), published just before the French Revolution (1788).

263 Réformistes (referred to below as Social-Democrats, this volume, p. 518) — see Note 60.

264 See Note 38.

265 See Note 55.

266 This article was first published in English in the book, K. Marx and F. Engels, The Communist Manifesto, Lawrence, London, 1930.

267 The reference is to the Prussian United Diet Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  convened in April 1847 (see Note 51), which the Prussian ruling circles considered as the maximum constitutional concession to the liberal bourgeoisie. To counter the demands of the opposition the Prussian king and his supporters tried to substitute this assembly representing the estates for a genuinely representative one. The fact that the majority of the Diet refused to vote the new loans and taxes showed, however, how far the conflict between the monarchy and the bourgeoisie had gone.

268 See Note 172.

269 The reference is to the bourgeois revolution in Belgium (autumn 1830) which resulted in Belgium’s secession from the Kingdom of the Netherlands and the establishment there of the constitutional monarchy of the Coburg dynasty.

After the July 1830 revolution in France, the movement for liberal reforms intensified also in Switzerland. In a number of cantons, the liberals and radicals succeeded in having the local constitutions revised in a liberal spirit.

270 See Note 32.

271 In the beginning of February 183 1, revolts took place in a number of provinces of the Papal states — Romagna, Marca and Umbria — and also the dukedoms of Modena and Parma. They were instigated by the carbonari, members of bourgeois and aristocratic revolutionary secret societies. In the course of this bourgeois revolution in Central Italy an attempt was made to abolish the absolute monarchy (in Modena and Parma), to deprive the Pope of temporal power (in Romagna) and to form a new, larger state — an Alignment of Italian Provinces. The revolt was suppressed by the Austrian army at the end of March 1831.

272 From 1833 a moderately liberal constitution was in force in Hanover. A prominent part in drawing it up was played by the historian Dahlmann. In 1837 the King of Hanover, supported by the landowners, abolished the constitution and in 1840 passed a new constitutional Act, which reproduced the main principles of the State Law of 1819 and minimised the rights of the representative institutions.

273 The Vienna Conference of ministers of a number of German states was called in 1834 on the initiative of the Austrian Chancellor Metternich and the ruling circles of Prussia to discuss measures to be taken against the liberal opposition and the democratic movement. The conference decided to restrict the rights of the representative institutions which existed in some German states, to intensify censorship, to introduce more strict control over universities and to repress appositional students’ organisations.

274 On July 12, 1839, the English Parliament rejected the Chartist petition demanding the adoption of the People’s Charter. The Chartists failed in their attempt to organise in reply a general strike and other revolutionary actions, including armed struggle. The miners’ revolt in Newport (Wales) in early November 1839, which the Chartists organised, was crushed by troops, and severe repressions followed.

275 See Note 28.

276 Sans-Souci (literally “Without Care”) — a summer residence of the Prussian kings in Potsdam (near Berlin).

277 The reference is to the so-called United Committees consisting of the representatives of the Provincial Diets which met in January 1848 to discuss the draft of a new criminal code. Convening these committees, the Prussian government hoped that the apparent preparation of reforms would calm down the growing public unrest. The work of the committees was interrupted by the revolutionary outbursts that swept over Germany at the beginning of March.

278 Engels alludes to the speech of Frederick William IV at the opening of the United Diet on April 11, 1847: “As the heir to air unimpaired crown which I must and will preserve unimpaired for those that shall succeed me......

279 The reference is to the patriotic and reform movement among the liberal nobility and bourgeoisie in Prussia during the country’s dependence on Napoleonic France.

280 Roman consulta, or Roman State Council — a consultative body inaugurated by Pope Pins IX in the end of 1847. It included representatives of the liberal landowners and the commercial and industrial bourgeoisie.

281 Pifferari (from “piffero” — pipe) Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire  — herdsmen in the Apennines in Central Italy; a common name for Italian wandering singers.

Lazzaroni — a contemptuous nickname for declassed proletarians, primarily in the Kingdom of Naples. Lazzaroni were repeatedly used by the absolutist governments in their struggle against the liberal and democratic movements.

282 Pietists — adherents of a mystical Lutheran trend which arose in Germany in the 17th century and placed religious feeling above religious dogmas. Pietism was directed against the rationalist thinking and philosophy of the Enlightenment and in the 19th century was distinguished by extreme mysticism and hypocrisy.

283 The reference is to the war of 1846-48 between the United States of America and Mexico, as a result of which the USA seized almost half the Mexican territory, including the whole of Texas, Upper California, New Mexico and other regions.

In assessing these events in his article Engels proceeded from the general conception that it was progressive for patriarchal and feudal countries to be drawn into the orbit of capitalist relations because, he thought, this accelerated the creation of preconditions tor a proletarian revolution (see Note 252). In subsequent years however, he and Marx investigated the consequences of colonial conquests and the subjugation of backward countries by large states in all their aspects. In particular, having made a thorough study of the US policy in regard to Mexico and other countries of the American continent, Marx in an article, “The Civil War in the North America” (1861), described it as expansion in the interests of the then dominant slave-owning oligarchy of the Southern States and of the bourgeois elements in the North which supported it, whose overt aim was to seize new territories for spreading slavery.

284 The project of connecting the Pacific Ocean with the Gulf of Mexico by means of a canal through the Isthmus of Tehuantepec was repeatedly put forward in the USA, which strove to dominate the trade routes and markets in Central America. However, in the 1870s the American capitalists rejected this project, preferring to invest their capital in less expensive railway construction in Mexico.

285 The reference is to the French army’s invasion of Austria during the wars of the European coalitions against the French Republic and Napoleonic France. In March 1797 General Bonaparte’s troops defeated the Austrian army in Northern Italy, invaded Austria and launched an offensive on Vienna. This impelled the Austrian government to sign an armistice. In 1805, during the war of England, Austria and Russia against Napoleonic France, most of Austria was occupied by French troops following the capitulation of the Austrian army at Ulm (October 1805). During the Austro-French war of 1809 hostilities took place mainly on Austrian territory and ended in the defeat of the Austrians at Wagram (near Vienna), on July 5 and 6, 1809.

286 In July 1820 the carbonari, aristocratic and bourgeois revolutionaries, rose in revolt against the absolutist regime in the Kingdom of Naples and succeeded in having a moderate liberal constitution introduced. In March 182 1, a revolt took place in the Kingdom of Sardinia (Piedmont). The liberals who headed it proclaimed a constitution and attempted to make use of the anti-Austrian movement in Northern Italy for the unification of the country under the aegis of the Savoy dynasty then in power in Piedmont. Interference by the powers of the Holy Alliance and the occupation of Naples and Piedmont by Austrian troops led to the restoration of absolutist regimes in both states.

For details about the suppression of the revolt in Romagna in 1831 by the Austrians, see Note 271.

During the Polish uprising in the free city of Cracow in 1846 (see Note 55) the Austrian authorities provoked clashes between Ukrainian peasants and detachments of the insurgent nobles in Galicia.

In July 1847, fearing the people’s movement in the Papal states, the Austrian authorities brought in troops to the frontier town of Ferrara. In Rome itself they supported the circles which strove to abolish the liberal reforms of Pins IX. However, the general discontent in Italy caused by the occupation of Ferrara forced the Austrians to withdraw their troops.

287 The Sonderbund, a separatist alliance of patriarchal and aristocratic cantons, which unleashed civil war in Switzerland in November 1847 (see Note 172), received money and armaments from Austria and France, under the pretext that they were guarantors of Switzerland’s neutrality (under the Paris Treaty of 1815), and counted on their military interference on its side.

288 In the atmosphere of growing revolutionary unrest in Hungary the Austrian government attempted to seize front the progressive national opposition the initiative in carrying through a number of bourgeois reforms with the aim of splitting its ranks. In 1843 and 1844 Bills were introduced on the development of credit, road construction, the abolition of customs barriers between Austria and Hungary, the regulation of navigation on the Danube, greater representation of cities in the assemblies of the estates, etc. The manoeuvres of the Austrian government could not, however, halt the national movement or make the opposition renounce its demands for radical changes.

289 Prater — a park in Vienna.

290 Below Marx gives a critical analysis of the article, “Les Associations démocratiques. — Leur principe. — Leur but” (“Democratic Associations. — Their Principles. — Their Aim”), published in the Belgian radical newspaper Débat social (editor-in-chief A. Barrels) on February 6. 1848.

About the Brussels Democratic Association, see Note 194.

291 Alliance (founded in 1841) and Association libérale (founded in 1847) — liberal bourgeois political organisations in Belgium.

292 Marx basin mind Robert Peel’s speech in the House of Commons on June 29, 1846, when the government’s resignation was discussed.

293 The reference is to the People’s Charter — the main programme of political changes proposed by the Chartists (see Note 48).

294 The reference is to the discussion on free trade held at the meetings of the Brussels Democratic Association in January and early February 1848. It was initiated by Marx’s speech on the question of free trade on January 9 (see this volume, pp. 450-65), in which he opposed the tendency of certain bourgeois democrats to idealise free trade. In this speech Marx expressed the opinion not only of the proletarian section but of the majority of the Democratic Association.

295 Marx refers to the articles published in the Débat social of February 6, 1848: “Opinion de M. Cobden, sur les dépenses de la guerre et de la marine” (“M. Cobden’s opinion of the Expenses on the War and the Navy”) and “Discours prononcé par M. Le Hardy de Beaulieu, A la dernière séance de l'Association Belge pour la liberté commercials” (“Speech by M. Le Hardy de Beaulieu at the Last Meeting of the Belgian Association in Defence of Free Trade”). Louis J. Sheehan, Esquire

296 In November 1847 the King of Sardinia, the Pope and the Duke of Tuscany agreed to convene a conference of Italian states to form a Customs Union. The project of a Customs Union met the interests of the bourgeois circles which strove to unite [lie country “from above” in the form of a federation of states under the Pope or the Savoy dynasty. However, this plan was frustrated by the 1848-49 revolution in Italy and its defeat in 1849.

297 On the events of 1823 and 1831 in Italy, see notes 271 and 286.

298 Prior to the 1848 revolution the movement among the German population in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein against a common constitution with Denmark (the draft constitution was made public on January 28, 1848) was a separatist one and did not go beyond moderate bourgeois opposition. Its aim was to create in the north of Germany yet another small German state dependent on Prussia. During the 1848-49 revolution the situation changed. The events in Germany imparted to the national movement in Schleswig and Holstein a revolutionary, liberation character. The struggle for the secession of these duchies from Denmark became an integral part of the struggle for the national unification of Germany and was resolutely supported by Marx and Engels.

299 See Note 26.